South Africa must protect its sovereign right to an independent foreign policy
South Africa’s foreign policy is guided by principle, not pressure. It reflects the sovereignty of a democratic state, rooted in the values of international law, solidarity with the oppressed, and a commitment to building a more just world order.
The recent visit of General Rudzani Maphwanya, Chief of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), to the Republic of Iran must be seen in this light. Far from being an aberration, the visit is consistent with South Africa’s long-standing commitment to non-alignment, independent statecraft, and diverse global engagement.
It is worth stating clearly: South Africa does not require permission from any foreign power to determine the contours of its diplomatic or military relations.
Sovereignty is indivisible. The idea that the country must align its defence or foreign policy to the geopolitical priorities of others is not only misguided but fundamentally incompatible with the very independence that so many South Africans fought and died for.
Engagement with Iran, like engagement with the United States, China, Russia, India, or the European Union, is part of a balanced strategy designed to safeguard national interests and promote peace.
Non-alignment, which some critics mistakenly equate with neutrality, is a core pillar of South Africa’s approach to global affairs. To be non-aligned is not to sit on the sidelines, but to act deliberately in pursuit of a fairer, multipolar world where no single power dominates.
This outlook is not new; it was central to South Africa’s liberation struggle, when the African National Congress and its allies drew strength from the Non-Aligned Movement, the global South, and solidarity networks that spanned ideological divides. It remains central today. The SANDF’s engagement with Iran is therefore not an endorsement of Tehran’s domestic politics, but an affirmation of South Africa’s sovereign right to chart a foreign policy that is independent, diverse, and inclusive.
Critics in Washington and elsewhere would do well to recall the historical record. In 1979, Iran was among the very first nations to sever ties with the apartheid regime, standing with the oppressed majority at a time when many powerful Western governments were still maintaining diplomatic and economic links with Pretoria. South Africa’s memory of this solidarity cannot be erased. To acknowledge it through continued dialogue and cooperation is not only legitimate, it is consistent with the moral fabric of our diplomacy.
This principle was articulated most clearly by Nelson Mandela himself. In 1998, when pressed about South Africa’s relations with states regarded as adversaries by Washington, Mandela declared: “It is a grave mistake for the United States to think that their enemies should be our enemies. We will make our own decisions, and we will not be dictated to by anyone. We will never take our foreign policy decisions under pressure from the United States or any other country.” His words, spoken at the dawn of South Africa’s democracy, remain profoundly relevant today. The attempt to pressure South Africa into conforming to another nation’s strategic priorities is not new, and Mandela’s rebuke still offers the clearest possible answer: this country will not be dictated to.
It is equally important to place the SANDF visit in the broader context of defence diplomacy. Military-to-military engagement is one of the most ordinary, widespread, and useful forms of international relations. Every state with a defence force participates in staff talks, joint exercises, and exchange programs. South Africa does so regularly with countries across the spectrum, including the United States, the United Kingdom, China, Russia, and India. These engagements do not mean endorsement of all policies of those countries, but they foster understanding, trust, and professional collaboration. To single out engagement with Iran as unusual is to apply a double standard that South Africa cannot accept.
South Africa’s foreign policy must also be understood in the context of a changing global order. The unipolar moment is over. The world is multipolar, and South Africa has positioned itself as an active and principled player within it. The country is a leading member of BRICS, a vocal participant in the African Union, a contributor to the G20, and a defender of international law in the United Nations. Its strategy is not one of exclusion but of inclusion and building a diverse web of partnerships that reflect its own values and interests. Engagement with Iran is one element of this diversity, sitting comfortably alongside deep and productive relations with Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo.
The criticisms levelled by the United States in particular must be weighed against its own global conduct. Washington has long maintained robust political and military relations with states whose domestic practices and human rights records have come under international scrutiny. From Saudi Arabia to Egypt to Pakistan, American diplomacy has consistently balanced principles with strategic interests. To now demand that South Africa abandon a historic ally on grounds that the US itself does not apply universally is to act inconsistently. South Africa will not subject its foreign policy to such selective standards.
Beyond principle, there are also practical reasons for South Africa to engage Iran. The SANDF faces genuine challenges, including limited resources, ageing equipment, and the demands of peacekeeping missions on the continent. Partnerships with a wide range of states offer opportunities to share knowledge, access technology, and strengthen self-reliance. Iran, having built significant indigenous military-industrial capabilities under sanctions, has developed expertise that could be of use to South Africa. Learning from such experiences is not about alignment, but about pragmatism and resilience.
South Africa’s record on the global stage reinforces its credibility. It has contributed tirelessly to peacekeeping missions across Africa, from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Sudan. It has upheld international law, most recently in its decision to bring Israel before the International Court of Justice on charges of genocide, a move rooted in legal principle rather than political opportunism. It remains a steadfast advocate for nuclear disarmament and for global dialogue in place of unilateralism. The SANDF’s engagement with Iran does not contradict this record; it reinforces it by broadening the circle of dialogue and engagement.
None of this means South Africa discounts its relationship with the United States. On the contrary, it is a valued partnership, with deep ties in trade, education, and security. But such partnerships cannot rest on ultimatums or coercion. Programs such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act are mutually beneficial and should never be used as instruments to pressure South Africa into compromising its sovereignty. This country’s foreign policy is not for sale.
The visit of the Chief of the SANDF to Iran is therefore a reaffirmation of South Africa’s independence in global affairs. It signals that our diplomacy is guided by principle, not dictated by power politics; that our choices are informed by history, not erased by convenience; and that our defence engagements are designed to build capacity and trust, not to serve the rivalries of others.
South Africa is not a pawn in any global rivalry. It is a sovereign nation with a proud history of resistance to domination, a principled commitment to justice, and a strategic vision that embraces dialogue across divides. The United States and others must learn to engage with South Africa as an equal partner. Differences in perspective should not be mistaken for hostility, but recognised as the essence of a diverse and democratic world order.
The message is simple: South Africa will continue to engage with all nations, including Iran, on its own terms and in pursuit of its own principles. To do otherwise would be to betray not only the sacrifices of the past but also the promise of an independent future.
*Prince Tshabalala is a SANDF communicator writing in his personal capacity.
*The views expressed do not reflect the views of the Department of Defence or the SANDF, nor are they necessarily the views of IOL or Independent Media.*