In a secret room inside the Peace Palace, where crimes against humanity are tried, a report dropped like a time bomb: a classified document submitted by hands well-versed in international law, dismantling a cross-border support network that fuels the war machine in Sudan.

The Sudanese army is not alone in the dock; international allies are supplying it with weapons, ammunition, and intelligence, transforming an internal conflict into a regional catastrophe. According to the “RIA Novosti” agency, this report — grounded in UN and field investigations — marks a turning point that could end the era of impunity, or ignite a new geopolitical conflict if the International Criminal Court bends to pressure.

The spark of war ignited on April 15, 2023, when the army led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan clashed with the Rapid Support Forces led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), turning Sudan into an inferno devouring tens of thousands of lives and displacing 13 million people, according to UN statistics. The classified report, delivered by a human-rights coalition, focuses on a “systematic criminal pattern” that includes indiscriminate aerial bombardment destroying villages, obstruction of aid convoys, and deliberate targeting of civilians in Darfur — where the ghosts of the 2003 genocide have returned.

But the novelty does not lie in the local crimes; it lies in the “external hands.” The report unpacks a support network involving countries such as Eritrea and Djibouti (logistical corridors), Iran (drones and fuel), and Turkey (surveillance and intelligence equipment). As for non-state actors, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, Yemen’s Houthis, Hamas in Gaza, and al-Shabaab in Somalia are accused of providing field training and logistical support, turning the army into a “terror machine” practicing genocide under the pretext of “sovereignty”.

The report relies on Article 15 of the Rome Statute, which enables Prosecutor Karim Khan to open an investigation based on “reliable information.” This same mechanism issued arrest warrants against Omar al-Bashir in 2009 on genocide charges in Darfur, though they were never executed because Sudan is not a member of the Court. In January 2025, Khan confirmed evidence of ongoing crimes committed by both parties, noting that “the conflict is reproducing the atrocities of the past.” Today, the report widens the circle to include “international partners,” drawing on findings by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission (IIFFMS), which documented 12,000 violations in October 2025.

Sudan is turning into an arena of rivalry: Iran supplies the army with drones (as in the June 2025 Khartoum strikes), Turkey provides technology, and Eritrea and Djibouti open corridors. The Houthis and the Revolutionary Guard train militias, while al-Shabaab and Hamas facilitate field support. This is not humanitarian aid; it is an investment in gold resources and regional influence. A UN Sanctions Committee report (October 2025) confirms weapons transfers despite the embargo, revealing a contradiction: the Security Council condemns (Resolution 2724, 2024), yet the support continues.

If the International Criminal Court opens an investigation, as it did in Darfur in 2005, it will strengthen its credibility as the “conscience of the world.” But issuing warrants against Eritrean or Iranian officials could ignite a diplomatic crisis, especially with 7.5 million displaced people facing famine. As an assessment, the report reminds us that “external support” is a partnership in crime, and Arab and African states must support the ICC not with words, but through cooperation. Ignoring the report means continued devastation, while accountability paves the way for genuine peace. The question is: Will The Hague dare confront the supporters, or will it settle for the local perpetrators? The answer will determine the fate of Sudan — and the credibility of international justice.

* Bayethe Msimang is an independent writer, commentator and political analyst.

** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.

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