Leaders from Europe and Africa have gathered in Luanda for the 7th EU-Africa Summit on November 24 and 25, co-chaired by Angola’s President João Lourenço and the EU’s top leaders. Angola’s capital will host this big meeting, where heads of state talk about renewed cooperation in areas like peace, trade, green development, and mobility. For many in Angola, it feels more like a stage for the same old story where more European money is handed to Angola, with little real change on the ground.

President João Lourenço and his government will likely ask for more money and support from Europe. The summit marks 25 years of EU-Africa partnership, but the question is: Why keep giving money to a country where projects stall, money vanishes, and people suffer?

Angola sits on vast oil and mineral wealth, but most citizens live in poverty. The ruling party, the MPLA, has held power since independence in 1975. They get billions from Europe and others each year for development. In return, they promise better lives. But where has it all gone?

One of the flagship initiatives that often comes up is the Lobito Corridor, a huge rail-infrastructure project meant to connect the mineral-rich areas of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Zambia to Angola’s port of Lobito. In theory, this corridor is strategic: it could reshape global supply chains for critical minerals.

Yet the reality is messy. Just last year, a train hauling sulphur derailed between Cavimbeand Cangumbe stations, wrecking 400 meters of track. No one died, but it halted copper shipments for days. This is not the first time. Trains have derailed before. And despite big promises, the vision of a smoothly operating corridor that lifts up Angola’s economy seems distant. According to OECD background notes, major policy and governance challenges remain.

Some see the corridor as less about development and more about money laundering and political patronage. A way for the ruling party (MPLA) to channel foreign investments into shady deals and personal profits.

Even Lourenço knows things are not right. In a recent meeting with Germany’s president, he admitted that Angola’s business environment “is not perfect” and that reforms must continue.

At the same time, ordinary Angolans are suffering. The cost of living has increased. Angola’s economy grew 4.4% last year, driven by oil and mining, but inflation hit 18 percent. Over a third of people live on less than two dollars a day. Fuel prices jumped after subsidies were cut, which affected everyone negatively.

In July 2025, a three-day taxi drivers’ strike over a sudden 33 percent hike in diesel prices turned into a wave of protests. Protesters, mostly young from poor neighborhoods, blocked roads with burning tires and looted shops in frustration. Officially, at least 22 people died, including a police officer; nearly 200 were injured, and over 1,200 people were arrested. It was the worst unrest since the civil war ended in 2002. The protests spread to other provinces, with demandsfor a fair share of the oil money. In a national speech on August 1, Lourenço called it the work of “irresponsible citizens” facilitated by outsiders. But sociologists blame the failed promises on corruption and jobs under the MPLA since independence.

It is no surprise, then, that European leaders are said to be preparing to call out Lourenço’s regime during the summit. Human rights groups like Human Rights Watch condemnsAngola’s new security laws that curb freedoms, much like in neighbors Burkina Faso and Niger. The European Parliament has passed resolutions urging a people-focused partnership, condemning rights abuses across Africa, including in eastern Congo. Reports suggest that human rights violations, killings at peaceful protests, and lack of accountability could lead to lessEuropean investment in Angola. German president reportedly told Lourenço that “there is still work to be done” on human rights.

It is hard to see why Europe should keep investing in Angola. Angola is now increasingly aligned with the United States. For example, the U.S. has pledged a $550 million loan for the Lobito Corridor. Trump has shifted from aid to trade, slashing billions in humanitarian funds but boosting deals in energy and minerals. In his first 100 days, the US inked 33 agreements worth six billion dollars across Africa, plus 2.5 billion at a Luanda business summit in June. This suggests that Europe may no longer be Angola’s main strategic partner.

As the 7th EU–Africa Summit opens in Luanda, Europe must make a big decision tocontinue providing aid and investment to Angola or not. If Europe decides to give more moneyto Angola, it must demand transparency, oversight, and real change. Otherwise, it risks funding a regime that does not share its democratic values, and whose true strategic loyalties may lie elsewhere. The money will once again vanish into unfulfilled projects, human rights abuses, and political elites’ pockets, with the benefits going mostly to the ruling party, not the people. Note that, in the end, the US will get all the preferential treatment as Angola’s closest ally. Therefore, Europe should pull back, tie aid to real reforms, and let Angola earn trust through deeds, not words. The people of Angola deserve better.

* Bayethe Msimang is an independent writer, analyst and political commentator.

** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media. 

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